ผลต่างระหว่างรุ่นของ "หน้าหลัก"

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Eter data across the domains of total time, school time, leisure time (i.e. all time out of school throughout weekdays), weekdays, weekends, PE lessons, and recess at a daily basis primarily based on detailed information offered by school-class-specific time tables. Primarily based on manual visual inspection of all data files, a fixed time slot was applied across grades and day types to define a normal day (Extra file 2). Thereby, registrations in the course of sleep at nights exactly where not all kids remembered to take off the instrument were avoided. Furthermore, in order to distinguish among "true" intervals of inactivity and "false" intervals of inactivity recorded when the monitor had been taken off, consecutive strings of zeros of 30 minutes or longer have been interpreted as "accelerometer non-worn". PA information was integrated inside the analyses when the youngster had accumulated a minimum of 10 hours of PA each day for a minimum of four days. Counts/min (CPM) was used as an estimate of general mean intensity of PA, and cut-points for sedentary, light, moderate, and vigorous PA intensity levels have been defined in accordance with Evenson et al. [16].Organized leisure time sports participation and bicyclingPA was assessed together with the GT3X ActiGraph accelerometer (Pensacola, Florida, USA) applying the vertical axis and typical filtering. After becoming digitalized, the accelerometer signal is passed via a filter with band limits of 0.25-2.five HZ so that you can help eradicate extraneous accelerations that were not resulting from human movement (e.g. vibration through passive transportation). The analysis employees personally delivered the accelerometers to the children at the schools, hence guaranteeing that youngsters knew the way to attach the device appropriately, placing it at the proper hip applying customized elastic belts. Moreover, written info and directions had been offered to kids in conjunction with their parents. The kids were instructed to put on the device in the time they woke up within the morning till bedtime so as to capture their whole PA for every single day. The only exception was to take away the monitor when showering or swimming in an effort to avert damage to the device. The youngsters were asked to wear the accelerometers for 7 complete consecutive days, thus potentially which includes all weekdays along with a full weekend. Some young children wore the instrument for greater than per week given that they have been absent from schools when the investigation staff returned to choose up the accelerometers the following week. The accelerometer was set to record PA data each 2 seconds. PA was assessed twice, as soon as in winter 2009/10 (i.e. primo November ?primo January) where youngsters attended 1st ?5th grade, and once in summer/fall 2010 (i.e. medio August ?primo October) where the sameWe utilized information collected from the SMS-track technique (i.e. an automated text messaging method controlled by a internet based IT-system and sent towards the parents' mobile phone) [13] to investigate if leisure time organized sports participation differed across school sorts. All parents have been asked on a weekly basis to report the volume of organized sports participation. In the event the parents reported that the youngster had participated in organized sports, a query was sent, asking for the kind of sport.
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Ying non-Nepali blood in to the state body, which connects with suggestions of purity and pollution (inside the Hindu sense) related with women's bodies. This law reiterates how the state sees ladies as state reproducers (by way of the birth of new citizens) in so far as they reproduce genuine (pure Nepali) citizens, which harkens back towards the country's civil codes throughout the Panchayat era described earlier (Tamang, 2000). Indeed, these examples of the framings of naturalized citizenship along with the role of the state would assistance the argument that the regulation of women's lives is shifting from `family patriarchy' to `state patriarchy'. A lot on the debate on citizenship via naturalization has been generated by geopolitical securitization fears concerning the open border with India plus the possible that altering citizenship laws could make Nepal vulnerable to Indian interests (Richardson et al., 2009; Laurie et al., 2015a). Scholars have lengthy argued that historically `Nepali national identity was constructed in substantial portion vis` a-vis the Indian other' (Shneiderman, 2013: 27). The 1950 treaty in between Nepal and India established an open border amongst the two countries, which facilitated the trafficking of Nepali girls to India and, extra recently, on to other trafficking destinations. In this sense, trafficking is often seen as a part of the narrative of nation building and boundary building (Laurie et al., 2015a; see also Hausner and Sharma, 2013, on border crossing in Nepal). Trafficking, as Joshi (2001: 167) usefully points out, `keeps Nepal united against India and Indians, the Other who exploit and use the bodies of our girls, sisters and daughters'. This anti-India feeling, she argues, `is fundamental in consolidating a national identity that keeps the boundaries of those two nations separate. Nepal, fundamentally dependent on India and the open border for the free flow of goods, capital and labour, has to be actively re-creating the border at all times so as to retain the separation of your two nations'.six As we've got outlined, such fears have led to processes of exclusion from citizenship that efficiently render a lot of Nepali-born persons `aliens' in their own nation, entitled only to naturalized citizenship.7 As we've discussed in additional detail elsewhere (Laurie et al., 2015a ), it was clear in the interviews with stakeholders that challenges of national identity, securitization and financial development had been concerns underpinning gendered access to naturalized citizenship. As the Head with the Basic Rights Committee within the then CA explained, these difficulties have been key factors inside the logic of `state patriarchy':A lady, in accordance with our tradition, right after marriage moves to her husband's property. So it means if a Nepali man marries a foreign woman she will come to Nepal and commit her whole life right here. But if it really is a lady she will move to an additional nation just after marriage and so there is certainly no need to bother in regards to the man who marries her. This really is the initial logic. And then the second logic is men are very influential politically, economically and by every little thing; so they're going to capture the state power but in case of women they are really weak; they may be not influential and they're going to just be limited within household chores. This type of patriarchal and feudalistic way of thinking isC 2016 The Authors.

รุ่นแก้ไขเมื่อ 04:53, 16 สิงหาคม 2564

Ying non-Nepali blood in to the state body, which connects with suggestions of purity and pollution (inside the Hindu sense) related with women's bodies. This law reiterates how the state sees ladies as state reproducers (by way of the birth of new citizens) in so far as they reproduce genuine (pure Nepali) citizens, which harkens back towards the country's civil codes throughout the Panchayat era described earlier (Tamang, 2000). Indeed, these examples of the framings of naturalized citizenship along with the role of the state would assistance the argument that the regulation of women's lives is shifting from `family patriarchy' to `state patriarchy'. A lot on the debate on citizenship via naturalization has been generated by geopolitical securitization fears concerning the open border with India plus the possible that altering citizenship laws could make Nepal vulnerable to Indian interests (Richardson et al., 2009; Laurie et al., 2015a). Scholars have lengthy argued that historically `Nepali national identity was constructed in substantial portion vis` a-vis the Indian other' (Shneiderman, 2013: 27). The 1950 treaty in between Nepal and India established an open border amongst the two countries, which facilitated the trafficking of Nepali girls to India and, extra recently, on to other trafficking destinations. In this sense, trafficking is often seen as a part of the narrative of nation building and boundary building (Laurie et al., 2015a; see also Hausner and Sharma, 2013, on border crossing in Nepal). Trafficking, as Joshi (2001: 167) usefully points out, `keeps Nepal united against India and Indians, the Other who exploit and use the bodies of our girls, sisters and daughters'. This anti-India feeling, she argues, `is fundamental in consolidating a national identity that keeps the boundaries of those two nations separate. Nepal, fundamentally dependent on India and the open border for the free flow of goods, capital and labour, has to be actively re-creating the border at all times so as to retain the separation of your two nations'.six As we've got outlined, such fears have led to processes of exclusion from citizenship that efficiently render a lot of Nepali-born persons `aliens' in their own nation, entitled only to naturalized citizenship.7 As we've discussed in additional detail elsewhere (Laurie et al., 2015a ), it was clear in the interviews with stakeholders that challenges of national identity, securitization and financial development had been concerns underpinning gendered access to naturalized citizenship. As the Head with the Basic Rights Committee within the then CA explained, these difficulties have been key factors inside the logic of `state patriarchy':A lady, in accordance with our tradition, right after marriage moves to her husband's property. So it means if a Nepali man marries a foreign woman she will come to Nepal and commit her whole life right here. But if it really is a lady she will move to an additional nation just after marriage and so there is certainly no need to bother in regards to the man who marries her. This really is the initial logic. And then the second logic is men are very influential politically, economically and by every little thing; so they're going to capture the state power but in case of women they are really weak; they may be not influential and they're going to just be limited within household chores. This type of patriarchal and feudalistic way of thinking isC 2016 The Authors.