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E with young children relative to school-age youngsters and adolescence, it truly is E with youngsters relative to school-age kids and adolescence, it truly is likely that parental well-being is heavily influenced by the stresses associated with parenting and overarching level of parent-child connection top quality. In addition, parental well-being could be anticipated to become disproportionately affected by parenting challenges throughout the toddler period, when parenting satisfaction has been shown to decrease relative for the 1st year because of the challenges of coping with a physically mobile but cognitively restricted toddler (Fagot Kavanagh, 1993; Shaw Bell, 1993). Low-income parents may be specifically vulnerable to frustrations linked with parenting toddlers due to the fact of their higher probability to be single-parents and not have the sources to afford high high quality out-of-home kid care. Hence, by addressing parenting expertise at a point of developmental transition that routinely challenges parents with great caregiving abilities and sufficient monetary sources (i.e., the `terrible twos'), parental well-being was also improved for this sample of low-income mothers.NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptRevisiting the Household Pressure Model for Conduct Problems for Young Children's Living in PovertyBased around the pattern of findings reviewed above, we suggest that with respect to earlystarting CP for children living in poverty, it would behoove researchers to formally revise the family tension model to ensure that it far more accurately reflects the direct effects of compromised parental psychological resources on children's emerging disruptive behavior. From an empirical basis, most of this study on parent psychological resources has come from function around the effects of maternal depressive symptoms among samples of low-income households (Shaw et al., 2009, 2012). While other models have also lately conceptualized dimensions of parent psychological resources to exert independent effects on a variety of kid mental, emotional, and overall health outcomes just after accounting for parenting for each young and school-age young children and adolescents (Yoshikawa et al., 2012), we're particularly proposing to elevate the direct contribution of maternal psychological distress, most regularly measured as maternal depressive symptoms, in relation to young children'sAnnu Rev Clin Psychol. Author manuscript; accessible in PMC 2014 October 13.Shaw and ShellebyPageemerging CP. As shown in Figure 3, we also posit bidirectional associations to be evident amongst parenting and maternal depression and also other types of parental distress, specifically during the `terrible twos' when frustrations related with rearing a physical mobile but not cognitively sophisticated toddler happen to be linked to decreases in parental satisfaction relative to the infancy period (Fagot Kavanagh, 1993; Shaw Bell, 1993). Constant with this notion that the toddler period is additional stressful for parents relative to other periods of early childhood, even within the context of poverty, symptom levels of maternal depression have already been located to decrease in early childhood in low-income samples following peaking at age two (Reuben Shaw, in preparation; Shaw et al., 2000). Findings from each developmental and experimental intervention research also suggest such a bidirectional association involving parenting and maternal depression (Conger et al., 1994; Shaw et al., 2009). Even though it's somewhat commonplace for models of parenting and maternal depression to posit bidi.